The past two centuries have been the centuries of the dominance of Anglosphere, first the British empire and now the American empire. This is reflected in this overview of subsequent reserve currencies over the past six centuries, showing that every century has a new ‘top dog’ (Portugal, Spain, Holland, France, Britain, USA)…
Another indicator for the might of a political entity is the GDP, showing that China is well on its way to become the top dog of the 21st century and could replace the US, that in its turn began to replace the British Empire in the twenties:
But China is not of interest here, it is The Great War or First World War as it became known after World War Two. Most people, who are not professional historians paid by a government, will accept that history is written by the victors. Or that victors can enforce that the defeated party, in casu Germany, signs war guilt clauses, like happened in Versailles and Nuremberg.
So if the historical truth is generally distorted by the victor(s), what can be said now, one century later, about who was really responsible for the outbreak of World War One?
On the night of 30-31st of July, 1914, feeling entrapped by a seemingly inevitable march of events, the German Kaiser Wilhelm mused to himself doomily:
‘Frivolity and weakness are going to plunge the world into the most frightful war of which the ultimate object is the overthrow of Germany. For I no longer have any doubt that England, Russia and France have agreed among themselves – knowing that our treaty obligations compel us to support Austria – to use the Austro-Serb conflict as a pretext for waging a war of annihilation against us… In this way the stupidity and clumsiness of our ally [Austria] is turned into a noose. So the celebrated encirclement of Germany has finally become an accepted fact… The net has suddenly been closed over our heads, and the purely anti-German policy which England has been scornfully pursuing all over the world has won the most spectacular victory which we have proved ourselves powerless to prevent while they, having got us despite our struggles all alone into the net through our loyalty to Austria, proceed to throttle our political and economic existence. A magnificent achievement, which even those for whom it means disaster are bound to admire.’
The Kaiser was entirely correct.
Earlier this year we commemorated that 100 years ago World War One (WW1) broke out. Today no serious continental European historian will accept the victor’s verdict of Versailles: “Germany is guilty”. Instead the consensus is that the Great Powers ‘stumbled into war‘, ‘it was a chain reaction’ really, a mutual suicide, an ‘accumulation of misjudgments & shortsightedness’ that led to the disaster.
The Scottish authors Gerry Docherty and James MacGregor in their new book have meticulously shown that WW1 was long planned in advance by Great-Britain. They debunk that Germany was to be blamed for the war. It was Great-Britain that managed to draw France and Russia into a coalition against Germany, with the sole purpose of conserving the preeminent position of the British empire, by destroying the rising power Germany. That truth can easily be distilled from the war aims of the parties involved:
- Britain: wanted to destroy a rising Germany that was seen as a threat to the supremacy of the British Empire.
- Russia: wanted to dominate Bulgaria and control the Bosporus
- France: wanted German speaking Alsace-Lorraine back, lost in 1871
- Germany: had no territorial or other aims other than to prevent becoming destroyed
Mastermind of World War One Britain managed to unite the ambitions mentioned above into a single coalition with the aim to destroy Germany. In the end they prevailed, because they could make a Balfour deal with the US ‘Zionist Lobby’ du jour: “we British give you Palestine, if you bring your Americans on our side into the war”. And not even that was enough to bring the Germans down. In the end they trusted the Americans (Wilson’s peace plan) and prematurely disarmed and that broke their backs.
The interpretation of history, the guardianship of history is presently owned by Anglosphere, because they have the power to do so, at the cost of continental Europe. But many, including us, foresee a rapid decline of US power in the coming years, offering the opportunity to correct the self-serving historic lies that define western culture of today and lay the foundation for a renaissance of European civilization, centered around the coming Paris-Berlin-Moscow confederation that will replace the dying West.
The history of the WW1 is a deliberately concocted lie, a carefully falsified history, created to conceal that Britain, not Germany, was responsible for the war. At the end of the war Britain, France and the United States laid the blame squarely on Germany and took steps to remove, conceal or falsify documents and reports to justify such a verdict. The verdict was: German militarism & German expansionism were to blame, as well as the kaiser’s bombastic nature and ambitions, and Germany’s invasion of innocent, neutral Belgium.
British Empire 1914
The Secret Elite
The authors begin with paying great tribute to Professor Carroll Quigley, who was one of the first historians to seriously doubt the Versailles verdict. The author’s use Quigley’s work as a foundation stone, but delve far deeper into the matter.
Names and structure of the Secret Elite, who began to plan for the destruction of Germany, 23 years before the start of WW1.
It all began with a secret society, established in 1891 in London, with the long-term aim of taking control over the entire world. The authors choose ‘Secret Elite’ as a working title. Alternatively they could have used ‘cabal’ or ‘deep state’, modern descriptions used for the neocons like Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle, Douglas Feith, Michael Ledeen, Scooter Libby, Charles Krauthammer, David Frum, Robert Kagan and David Wurmser, who were responsible for the Iraq war, or JFKs ‘secret society‘. This Secret Elite managed to destroy the Boer Republic in South-Africa and Germany and got away with it. Professor Quigley pointed towards the existence of a Secret Elite in his books The Anglo-American Establishment and Tragedy and Hope [audio]. Quigley had noticed that there was a strong link between British government circles and Oxford university. According to the Secret Elite, Oxford should become the educational center of the entire English speaking world. Rhodes..
sought to amass great wealth into his secret society in order to achieve political ends: to buy governments and politicians, buy public opinion and the means to influence it. He intended that his wealth be used by the Secret Elite to expand their control of the world.
The founding father of the Secret Elite was Cecil Rhodes. The kick-off meeting took place in London in February 1891 and three men attended: Cecil Rhodes, William Stead and Lord Esher (Reginald Balliol Brett).
An essential tool for the Secret Elite was the newspaper and William Stead was the key figure. With newspapers, people can be influenced, or ‘brainwashed’ as we would say today. And the Times of London was the most important of these propaganda outlets. The third man present was Reginald Balliol Brett aka Lord Esher. He represented the link between the Secret Elite and the crown. A little later two other men were brought into the circle: the banker Lord Nathaniel Rothschild and Alfred Milner, who had experience as a colonial administrator.
That meeting would result in major consequences for world history. The core belief of this secret society was that:
“white men of Anglo-Saxon descent rightly sat at the top of a racial hierarchy, a hierarchy built on predominance in trade, industry and the exploitation of other races.”… The three staunch British imperialists who met that day, Cecil Rhodes, William Stead and Lord Esher, drew up a plan for the organisation of a secret society that would take over the control of foreign policy both in Britain and, later by extension, the United States of America: a secret society that aimed to renew the Anglo-Saxon bond between Great Britain and the United States,
This meeting did not happen out of the blue. Rhodes had been contemplating his scheme for years and a year before, in 1890, Rhodes had visited Lord Rothschild to present his plan. Present were Lord Esher and some other senior members of the British establishment. Rhodes was talking about setting up some sort of Jesuit-like secret society. But this time it were not the interests of the Catholic Church but those of the British Empire that needed to be advanced. The British empire should control the entire world.
the members of this Secret Elite were only too well aware that Germany was rapidly beginning to overtake Britain in all areas of technology, science, industry and commerce.
The Secret Elite was organised in concentric circles; there was an inner core of trusted associates – ‘The Society of the Elect’ and a second outer circle, larger and quite fluid in its membership, was to be called ‘The Association of Helpers’.
By 1902, the core members of the Secret Elite were:
Alfred Milner, who became the successor of Rhodes after his death in 1902. These five principal players – Rhodes, Stead, Esher, Rothschild and Milner – represented a new force that was emerging inside British politics.
Another early member had been Arthur Balfour.
The “German Threat”
Britain at the time sat conveniently at the top of the international pecking order, but that position was under threat from a rising Germany. The Secret Elite set out to address that threat and destroy Germany. To that purpose two institutions needed to be infiltrated: the Foreign Office and the Colonial Office. A part of the book is devoted to the scheming of the Secret Elite in destroying the Boer Republic in South-Africa, in order for the British empire to lay hands on the newly discovered diamond resources, but we’ll skip that part.
German unification dated from 1871. Around 1890 it became clear that Germany was rapidly overtaking both Britain and France in areas like coal mining, iron and steel production and shipping. The growth of the German navy constitutied another worry. “Made in Germany” began to acquire a magical reputation. Germany began to stand in the way of British world domination schemes.
The problem for Britain was that it had no friends as Splendid Isolation had been the strategy throughout the 19th century. Britain did have an all-powerful navy but not a large army. It was decided that overtures needed to be made towards France and Russia. France had already aligned herself with Russia in 1892, where Germany was so negligent to let her treaty with Russia expire in 1890.
In addition to the new relationship that needed to be crafted with France and Russia, four prerequisites had to be met before Britain went to war with Germany:
- both major political parties (Conservatives & Liberals) in Britain had to be under their control,
- the army, had to be reorganised into an effective and powerful fighting force.
- The navy had to retain its supremacy, retaining supremacy meant modernisation and further investment.
- A massive and consistent propaganda drive was needed to create a German ‘menace’ and whip the British people into a froth of hatred towards Germany and Kaiser Wilhelm.
The fatal mistake Germany made was to think that Britain never could grow close to France and Russia. France and Britain for instance had been bitter adversaries for almost 1000 years. But that is precisely what Britain succeeded in doing. And at the same time British media started an anti-German campaign, week after week, month after month, and the British public swallowed it hook, line and sinker.
The Secret Elite deemed Germany to be the greatest single barrier to their global takeover, so they created a German bogeyman and invested in him all of their own vices. Newspapers, magazines and novels spewed out their propaganda, week after week, month after month, and sadly the ‘people in England’ swallowed it with relish.
The king whole-heartedly supported the program of the Secret Elite and was friends with both Lord Esher and Lord Nathanial Rothschild. And although the king had no official tasks in the realm of foreign police, it was nevertheless him who played a crucial role in bringing about the the secret alliances with France and Russia, all behind the back of the government and parliament. Since everything went in secret, there was no opposition.
The reason why France could be drawn into a coalition with Britain was founded in French resentment towards Germany over the loss of Alsace-Lorraine, although most of the people of Alsace-Lorraine by the turn of the century spoke German as their first language.
A central figure on the French side was Théophile Delcassé. Delcassé was an expansionist and very anti-German. Kaiser Wilhelm called him “The most dangerous man for Germany in France“. An immensely important warmonger, Delcassé set to work with Foreign Secretary Lansdowne on the terms of a joint agreement between the two countries. Eight months later, on 8 April 1904, the Entente Cordiale was signed.
On the surface, the entente brought the two countries closer without any commitment to a formal military alliance. The talk was of peace and prosperity, but secret clauses signed that same day were to have very different consequences. The Entente Cordiale was indeed a diplomatic triumph, and there is absolutely no doubt that King Edward was the man responsible for delivering it on behalf of the Secret Elite. The real purpose behind the entente was war with Germany. Why else were the secret clauses signed on 8 April 1904 hidden from Parliament, from public knowledge and from other governments?… King Edward’s association with the inner circle of the Secret Elite, and his role in their plan for the destruction of Germany, was strengthened by his first lieutenant, Reginald Balliol Brett, Lord Esher. His secret work was ‘so important and influential that any public post would have meant a reduction in his power’. Esher wrote daily to King Edward with details of the evidence from every expert witness to the commission. One of the most important features of the Secret Elite plan for war was to keep an iron grip on foreign policy.
Sir Edward Grey, a long-serving agent of the Secret Elite, was instrumental in bringing war with Germany about. He was the architect of the Entente Cordiale.
In order to circumvent the day to day whims of politics, an institution had to be created that kept focussed on the long term aim, namely war with Germany. In order to achieve that aim, Arthur Balfour established the Committee of Imperial Defence (CID) that first met in 1902 and has as its task to advice the prime minister on defense matters. Both Balfour and Lord Roberts were the only permanent members, but Esher managed later to influence the prime minister to appoint Milner, Field Marshal Lord Roberts and Sir John French as permanent members as
First Provocations Against Germany
One of the secret clauses effectively guaranteed British control of Egypt in return for French control over Morocco, after they had overthrown the sultan. An other one was that Italy secretly promised to remain neutral if France was attacked by either Germany or Austria-Hungary. Spain was kept friendly to the new British-French by assuring them a considerable part of Morocco’s Mediterranean coast. Everything was set up for the first major provocation of Germany over Morocco. Spain and France intended to divide Morocco between them, with approval of Britain. In 1880 Germany, France and Britain had agreed that free trade with Morocco should be guaranteed. Than France started to act as if it had special governance over Morocco. Germany feared for it’s commercial interests in Morocco and proposed an international conference to settle the matter.
All hell was let loose in the British and French newspapers. Germany and the kaiser were ridiculed and vilified. The Secret Elite unleashed their outraged press to denounce the kaiser with unrestrained violence. He was accused of deliberately attempting to destroy the entente as a prelude to making war on France. Wild claims of evil German intent poured out in a torrent of sheer vitriol, and any voice of reason was ‘assailed as that of a traitor or a coward’. By creating the Moroccan Crisis, the Secret Elite successfully generated a fear and manufactured a menace where none existed. The timing of the Moroccan Crisis was perfect.
In the end saner heads in French politics prevailed over the war mongers, like Delcassé, who resigned, which was a big blow for the Secret Elite. Nevertheless, against all conventional that a monarch should not interfere with politics, kind Edward defended Delcassé, giving the Germans cause to think that certain circles in British politics wanted war with Germany.
Alliance with Russia
Now that France was tied to Britain, attention was turned towards Russia.
For the better part of a hundred years, the czar’s empire had been ‘groping southwards for a warm-water port’, and British opposition had been absolute to any advance towards the Black Sea Straits or the Persian Gulf.
After a Russian defeat against Japan (for no small part brought about by Britain), Russia needed new allies and financiers. Again it was king Edward who did the preparations of talking Russia into an alliance with France and Britain against Germany.
The Secret Elite drew Russia in with a commitment that they never intended to deliver. Russia was secretly promised control of Constantinople and the Black Sea Straits, following a successful war against Germany. This was Russia’s holy grail, her ‘historic mission’. From the reign of Catherine the Great, Russian leaders had entertained an ambition to control Constantinople in order to have a warm-water port and an unrestricted naval outlet to the Mediterranean. It promised access to trade, wealth and conquest. the Anglo-Russian Convention signed on 31 August 1907 made no mention of Constantinople or the Straits but was crafted with reference only to Persia, Afghanistan and Tibet. Just as the French Revanchists had been offered the carrot of regaining Alsace and Lorraine, so the secret promise dangled in front of Russia was post-war control of the Black Sea Straits… It was yet another secret deal hidden from Parliament and the people, yet another spurious promise that Britain never intended to keep.
One of the key figures in the Secret Elite’s network, the Russian ambassador to Copenhagen, Alexander Isvolsky… the Russian diplomat Alexander Isvolsky was promoted in 1906 from a relatively unimportant post at Copenhagen to minister of foreign affairs in St Petersburg. He was a bought man. Isvolsky enjoyed a patronage whose source he would never fully comprehend. He was approached by king Edward for an alliance with Britain.
1908 – New government in Britain
In 1908 Liberal PM Campbell-Bannerman was replaced by Asquith. Herbert Henry Asquith, Richard Burdon Haldane and Sir Edward Grey were Milner’s chosen men and ‘objects of his special attention’. Asquith and Grey were trusted men and close to the king.
PM Herbert Henry Asquith, Richard Haldane and sir Edward Grey, this was to become the liberal triumvirate that ultimately enabled the Secret Elite drive to war with Germany. The purveyors of Secret Elite power in the Conservative Party were: Arthur Balfour, Lord Curzon, George Wyndham and Alfred Lyttelton.
In an eventual compromise, they agreed to support Campbell-Bannerman provided Asquith was made chancellor of the Exchequer, Grey got the Foreign Office and Haldane the War Office. These three men were known as the Relugas Three and got complete control over government. Continuity would be guaranteed. Control of foreign policy would remain in trusted hands, and a complete root-and-branch reorganisation of the War Office could begin under the watchful eye of the Secret Elite. Furthermore, by placing Grey and Haldane in these key posts, the Secret Elite kept firm control of the political leadership of the Committee of Imperial Defence and so ensured that only their men in the Cabinet fully appreciated the depth of preparation for eventual war with Germany.
Until today Belgium always has been portrayed as a neutral country, a neutrality that was violated by Germany. Well, Belgium was not neutral at all: soon after the beginning of the war the Germans discovered documents in Brussels proving that the Belgian chief of staff had several meetings with the British, planning for the event of a war involving Belgium, Britain and France against Germany. The reason why the Belgians did this was that they were compensated with the green light for the annexation of the Congo.
In May 1908 king Edward visited the czar in Reval (now Tallinn). It was sold as a family visit, but in reality the next step in encircling Germany was undertaken. Under the guise of a ‘family visit’, the meeting would result in the final encirclement of Germany. It was also here were a crucial figure entered the scene: Russian diplomat Alexander Isvolsky, who would be instrumental in bringing Russia into the war against Germany. This British tool was bought and paid for by the Secret Elite.
Izvolsky’s next move came on the Balkans. The Ottoman empire was retreating, which caused power vacuums in the Balkans. That power vacuum was filled by Austria, who annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1908, much to the discontent of the Bosnians, but most of all of the Serbians, who had designs on that territory as well (and would culminate in Serbian dominated South-Slavia or Yugoslavia after WW1). This prompted the Russian representative of the Secret Elite Isvolsky to meddle in the affair, albeit without backing of his government. He secretly told the Austrians that Russia would back the annexation if the Austrians would support Russian influence in the Straits and Constantinople.
Meanwhile the British had denounced the unilateral annexation. At the same time Isvolsky told the Serbs that their time would come, thus carrying out the mission of the Secret Elite to stir the Balkans and encourage the Serbs to keep their anti-Austrian ambition level high, because they could felt supported by Russia when the proper moment would have arrived. Isvolsky, financed by banks in London and Paris, carried on to work for his real masters, those in London, not Petersburg and in December 1909 a secret military agreement was signed between Russia and the new independent state of Bulgaria. Contents: the independence of the Balkans could only be achieved after a Russian intervention, directed against Austria and Germany. That was five years before that anticipated war would finally break out.
1911 – A New Moroccan Crisis
France kept eroding Moroccan independence and souveranity. A fake Moroccan rebellion in Fez was blown out of all proportions and used as a pretext by the French to occupy Morocco, supposedly to protect Europeans living there. Germany agreed with this move as long as it was temporary, but that did not happen. When Germany send a symbolic small gunboat to Agadir. The press started a propaganda campaign that accused Germany of looking for war. By this time Lloyd George and Winston Churchill joined the ranks of the secret elite and it’s aim of starting a war against Germany. Meanwhile in France an new PM Joseph Caillaux was elected in office, who was looking for an understanding with Germany. Germany successfully pushed for a diplomatic solution for the crisis. All in all a setback for the Secret Elite.
For the secret elite it was clear that Caillaux needed to go and already a suitable replacement was found in the Germany hater and revanchist Raymond Poincaré.
Born in Lorraine, Poincaré was deeply motivated to get Alsace-Lorraine back. Large sums of money were paid to the French press to get a campaign started to get Caillaux replaced with Poincaré, who always knew who funded him and what was expected of him: war with Germany. Eventually Caillaux resigned in January 1912. France had become revanchist. Isvolsky had played a crucial role in the campaign to get Poincaré into office, a fact recognized by Poincaré paying him a visit directly after installation in office:
It was a pivotal moment in European history. The new prime minister of France owed everything to Isvolsky and his controllers. Within hours of his installation, Poincaré went to Isvolsky’s office to assure him of France’s absolute solidarity with Russia. The prime minister immediately went in person to see Isvolsky rather than the ambassador being called to the prime minister’s office. This clearly proved who called the shots in the relationship. the nature of the Franco-Russian agreement changed from a defensive alliance to open support for aggressive Russian intervention in the Balkans.
Poincaré began helping Russia financially to prepare for war, notably to invest in the railwaylines leading to the Russian-German border.
French capital was also to be used for specific war enterprises in Russia such as naval construction, armaments production, railway carriages and the infrastructure to move everything effectively. A major Paris bank, L’Union Parisienne, was the principal vehicle for much of the funding. Linked as it was to the Rothschilds through Baron Anthony de Rothschild, this had all the hallmarks of Secret Elite funding for Russia’s war machine. By the onset of the First World War, 80 per cent of direct Russian government debt was held in Paris.
As one of the first act of government, Poincaré replaced the ambassador to St. Petersburg Georges Louis with the radical Théophile Delcassé, the greatest Germany hater in French politics. The money invested by the Secret Elite in getting Poincaré installed paid off perfectly.
Now that the two provocations over Morocco failed to lead to war, the Secret Elite had identified Serbia as a potential hot spot from where a European war could be initiated, long before the assassination in Sarajevo took actually place. The problem was the British public loathed Russia and would only be willing to join a war against Germany, if the latter was clearly seen as the aggressor. It was long recognized in advance that the only way for Britain to join was via Belgium, through which Germany had to advance.
The growth of national resentment across the Balkans against Turkey and Austria-Hungary was deliberately stirred by agents of the Secret Elite. Serbia was groomed for a very special role. She was perfectly placed as the epicentre for a seismic explosion that would blow away the old order. With her many nationalist Pan-Slav and fiercely anti-Austrian secret societies, Serbia provided the perfect location from which the Secret Elite could activate the European war. The Serbs could never have waged successful war against the might of Austria on their own but were assured of Russian support by Isvolsky, who actively encouraged Serbia to wrest Bosnia-Herzegovina from Austria as their rightful entitlement.
By 1912 Serbia was ‘in the pocket’ of Russia, via Isvolsky and his vassal Sazonov. The money came from London and Paris. But the heavy weight Russian diplomat Nicholas Hartwig was responsible for the day to day handling of Serbian politics in Belgrade. Normally a person of his caliber would never have occupied this post in a country of secondary importance.
Hartwig cooperated with the very influential officer Colonel Dimitrijevic, aka “Apis”, who had links to the Black Hand, a secret club that sought to destroy Austria-Hungary. These were exactly the kind of people the Secret Elite needed.
By September 1912, the czar was informed that an understanding existed between Britain and France that Britain would support France with navy and troops on the continent in case of war with Germany. Pyotr Stolypin had already understood that Britain wanted to bring Russia into a war with Britain’s enemy Germany. Meanwhile on the Balkans:
Russia abused her influence with Serbia to keep constant pressure on Austria-Hungary. Austria, realised that she was marked down as Russia’s next victim on the proscribed list, and that the hour was arriving when she must kill or be killed. Wars do not just happen; small skirmishes do. Wars have to be financed in advance and repaid with interest.
In October 1912 a war broke out between the Balkan League and Turkey, which caused the latter to be largely pushed out of Europe, quietly supported by Britain. Austria was to be targeted next. In France Raymond Poincaré had managed to increase the strength of the French military by considerably prolonging the enlistment time from two to three years. But the most revealing information that Europe was close to war came from Belgium, where King Albert had been urging to adopt a far reaching increase in military spending.
The strength of the Belgian army was raised to 150,000 men in the field, with 60,000 in auxiliary services and 130,000 allocated to defensive garrisons: 340,000 men in total. It was an enormous expansion of armed forces in a supposedly neutral nation of 7,500,000 people.
But in the end it was Russia that shied away from war in 1913, perhaps while she felt not ready yet and Serbia angrily complied.
Contrary to the ubiquitous image of the warmongering Kaiser Bill, so beloved of British propaganda, Wilhelm urged Austria to make concessions to the Serbs and seek peaceful co-existence. Not only had more work to be done to fully prepare the British people for war, but Germany wasn’t taking the bait.
Austria was very well aware that danger emerged from Serbia and that Russian ambassador Nicholas Hartwig had great influence on the Serbian government and that Hartwig had links to Sazonov in St Petersburg, and to Isvolsky and Poincaré in Paris. But Austria was not aware of the real mastermind behind events: London. Hartwig worked with Colonel Viktor Artamanov, a military attaché with contacts in the Serbian army.
These men were intrinsically linked to the assassins in Sarajevo by their chosen agent, the founder and dominating figure in the Serbian Black Hand and the most influential military officer in Serbia, Colonel Dragutin Dimitrijevic, or Apis. It is important that we clearly identify every link in the chain of responsibility that surrounded the fateful assassination in Sarajevo in June 1914.
Apis lifelong goal was a Greater Serbia at the cost of Austria. Apis knew Serbia would be backed by Russia if attacked by Austria. Apis smelled his chance when the Austrians announced that Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Hapsburg throne, would pay Sarajewo a visit in June 1914. Apis would use a group called Mlada Bosna (Young Bosnians) to carry out the murder.
It was Apis who handpicked the leader of the murder squad: Danilo Ilić. The latter had a friend, Gavrilo Princip, who was the one to pull the trigger. Via a third member, Milan Ciganovic, who also happened to know the Serbian PM, the Serbian government knew in advance that the assassination was about to happen.
There can be no doubt that Russia and Serbia were linked to the assassination, but that evidence was suppressed during the evaluation of the ‘war guilt’ in 1919. Especially the Americans greatly contributed to serve the allied cause.
It took Vienna’s investigator Dr von Wiesner two days to link the murder to Serbia, but the Americans twisted this information in 1919 to make the false point that there was nothing that justified military actions against Serbia. Lansing and Brown were responsible for a blatant falsification of history with the purpose of smearing Germany and Austria.
Colonel Apis confessed to the Salonika court that he had an agreement with Artamonov, the Russian military attaché and hence Russian involvment.
Now the challenge for the secret elite was to convert the Sarajevo assassination into a world war, they had been planning for a decade…
that would once and for all crush Germany and re-affirm the pre-eminence of the British race… The Secret Elite deliberately and systematically whipped the consequences of Sarajevo into a raging wildfire that could not be extinguished.
Sir Edward Grey was in the center of events en he had a network of diplomats at his disposal in major European capitals: Sir George Buchanan in St Petersburg, Sir Maurice de Bunsen in Vienna, Sir Edward Goschen in Berlin and Sir Francis Bertie in Paris. And Grey had Sir Eyre Crowe and Sir Arthur Nicolson in the Foreign Office. And finally the Russians Sazonov and Isvolsky, as well as the Frenchmen Poincaré and Maurice Paléologue, the French Ambassador at St Petersburg in 1914), got their directions from London.
Meanwhile Austria had to do something and punish Serbia and avoid becoming dismantled by Serbia. Chief of staff Conrad von Hötzendorf was belligerent, playing into the hands of the secret elite. Serbia pretended to be more or less cooperative, but in reality was determined to provoke an Austrian response. British media like the The Westminster Gazette gave the Austrian government the impression that action against Serbia would be met with understanding and approval. But first Austria sought backing of her ally Germany, which they got, the infamous ‘blank cheque’
This was later misrepresented as a binding promise to give Austria military support against Serbia with the deliberate intention of bringing about a European-wide war. It was nothing of the sort.
Most Germans did not anticipate that Russia could intervene in a conflict between Serbia and Austria; for starters there was no obliging defence treaty between Serbia and Russia and Austria was not threatening Russia. Furthermore did the Kaiser count on a sort of solidarity among kings, expecting that the czar would denounce the regicide of Sarajevo. Later the allies constructed a lie, proposing that the Kaiser had uttered his wish to initiate a war in Europe (meeting Potsdam, July 5) and that he had pushed Austria into war. Nothing could be further from the truth. It was Grey who was plotting for war, not the Kaiser. Grey intentionally deceived the Germans (ambassador Lichnowsky) by telling that there were no secret treaty obligations, which was a lie.
One of the mistake the Austrians made was that they waited too long with the punitive actions against Serbia, although they had proof that Serbia and Hartwig were behind it and failed to strike while the iron was hot. Instead the murder moved into the background and all diplomatic activity now buzzed around the upcoming Note (ultimatum). All diplomats gave the Austrians the impression that there would be a mild diplomatic response. And thus Berchtold walked straight into the trap, when he felt he could send the Serbians an ultimatum, that would be completely rejected by Russia, France and Britain.
Before Austria came with its ultimatum, French president Poincaré had visited a reluctant czar and confirmed to him that France would support Russia in a joint attack to destroy Germany and hand over the Bosporus to Russia.
The entire French diplomatic chore knew that war between Austria and Serbia would mean war between Russia and Austria. And next Germany would be involved in the war, via her treaty with Austria. And France would be at war as well because of her alliance with Russia.
The British knew that Poincaré had reconfirmed his obligations towards Russia in case of war. The telegram from Buchanan to Grey proves that Grey knew that world war was coming. It was France that committed itself to war, not Germany. The telegram remained concealed for ten years.
The British public remained completely in the dark about what was happening. Focus of attention was Ireland, not Germany.
Diplomatic circles knew long in advance what the ultimatum would contain. When the Note came out, what followed was an overreaction by the entente governments Britain, France and Russia, who pretended to be outraged and came as a great surprise to the Austrians.
Most members of the Asquith government were totally unaware of the connection between high-ranking members of British politics and the Austrian-Serbian conflict. Grey tried to sell the Serbian ultimatum to the Cabinet as an affront.
Charles Hobhouse, the postmaster-general in Asquith’s 1914 Cabinet, wrote in his diary: Grey broke in to say that the Ultimatum by Austria to Serbia had brought us nearer to a European Armageddon than we had been through all the Balkan troubles. He had suggested that Germany, France, Italy and the UK should jointly press Austria and Russia to abstain from action, but he was certain that if Russia attacked Austria, Germany was bound to come to the latter’s help. focus was placed on the Austrian Note as if it were the cause of war itself.
Austria’s demands as expressed in the Note were reasonable in the light of what Serbia had done to Austria in the past years, culminating in the assassination. In response to the ultimatum, Serbia mobilized (July 25, 3 p.m.), showing the true intention of Serbia, namely that it wanted war. The Serbs managed to craft a smart rebuttal, that was not only admired among the Entente members, but also among neutral powers. Nobody realized that most of the text had been written by Philippe Berthelot, a senior diplomat from the French Foreign Office, who later admitted to his input.
The task for the war mongers now was to portray ‘little innocent Serbia’ as a victim of unjustified harsh Austrian demands. The greatest diplomatic trick in the run up to the war had been the Serbian response to the ultimatum. To the uninitiated it seemed as if Serbia had complied with almost all demands. Even the Kaiser initially thought so and celebrated that the danger of war had been eliminated. But in reality:
Only two of Austria’s demands (numbers 8 and 10) were accepted in their entirety, while the answers to the others were evasive. The most important Austrian demand was rejected outright. Berchtold insisted that judicial proceedings be taken against everyone associated with the assassination plot and that Austro-Hungarian police officers be directly involved in the investigations.
The war mongers in London, Paris and Petersburg knew that for Austria the Serbian reply was unacceptable. They designed it that way in the first place. Many historians claimed later that Austria had intentionally formulated the ultimatum such, that war was inevitable. And that Austria had done so on instigation of the Germans, which is a lie and can be debunked by remembering that Austria took the long diplomatic route of three weeks; in other words, Austria was not keen on war at all, but saw herself forced by the assassination in Sarajevo.
On 25 July, Sir George Buchanan in St Petersburg penned a strictly confidential telegram to Sir Edward Grey. It arrived in the Foreign Office at 10.30 p.m. The message could not have been clearer: ‘Russia cannot allow Austria to crush Serbia and become the predominant Power in the Balkans, and, secure of support of France, she will face all the risks of war.’ The Russian Bear waits as the Austrian Eagle swoops down on the Serbian bait.
But Austria had no intention of ‘crushing’ Serbia. It was Russia’s intention to see the war started unconditionally. Russia knew it was backed by France and eventually Britain.
Two days earlier, after Russia had been reassured by Poincare’s visit that France would stand by her, Russia started mobilization, before any formal declaration of war and two days before Serbia mobilized. General mobilization is intent of war. Austria, let alone Germany had done nothing of the sort. All parties understood that offence and thus speed, gave a considerable advantage. Everybody knew how everybody else would react in the case of mobilization of one party. Russia tried to hide the fact that it was mobilizing as long as possible. On July 24, one day before the official Serbian reply to the Note, Russia ordered the mobilization of more than one million men, as well as the fleets.
24 July, Foreign Minister Sazonov lunched with ambassadors Buchanan and Paléologue at the French Embassy. These were the Secret Elite’s diplomatic enforcers, who ensured that London and Paris were kept fully updated. Sazonov confirmed that the czar had approved both the mobilisation of over 1 million men and the Russian navy. Germany had to be led to believe until the very last minute that Britain would remain neutral. An official treaty between Britain and Russia, which Sazonov so desperately desired, would have destroyed that cover. Furthermore, the Secret Elite in London needed to be able to portray Germany as the aggressor, to entice Germany into firing the first shots and so avoid a situation where Russia could be blamed for starting the war. The British public would never accept war unless Germany was seen as the aggressor.
Sir Grey managed to give the impression that he did not care about the Austrian-Serbian dispute and everybody believed him. Austria had made it clear she had no territorial claim on Serbia and that the military expedition would remain locally confined. The goal was occupation of Belgrade and enforce the ultimatum. This was absurdly portrayed by the Entente as a direct threat to Russia.
The German ambassador tried to contact sir Grey to ask him to keep the Russians from mobilizing, but sir Grey was ‘out of town’, thus providing the Russians with two valuable extra days. Than an offer by the British to mediate was immediately accepted by Germany, but rejected by France and Russia. The intention of the Entente was to give Russia more time to deploy her troops near the border. Next Germany pushed for direct consultations between Austria and Russia, but again Russia refused. In the mean time the British was quietly mobilized since July 15. In order to deceive the Kaiser about Britain’s true intentions, on Sunday, 26 July, Prince Henry of Prussia was invited to dine with King George in London. Henry was the kaiser’s younger brother and grand admiral of the German Fleet. Over dinner the prince was assured that Britain intended to stay out of this and will remain neutral. Relieved, this message was sent to Berlin. All lies.
Next, the British began to spread another lie that German preparations for war were far more at an advanced stage than those of Russia and France. Not a single official British document exists with warnings from the field that the Germans were preparing for war. The Germans were hoping for a short localized war between Austria and Serbia and get it over with. Meanwhile, alarming messages about Russian troop buildup near the German border were reaching Berlin. Then out of the blue, without consultations with Berlin, Austria declared war on Serbia, although its army would not be ready to invade Serbia for another two weeks. The Germans very much resented this development and started to put Vienna under pressure to negotiate and at the same time informed the British and Russian that they had done so (July 28). Germany clearly wanted to prevent a European war from breaking out. Meanwhile more and more reports about Russian mobilization came in. On top of that Moltke had to report that the French were doing the same and it started to dawn on Berlin that Russia and France were doing this in a coordinated way. Chancellor Bethman began to signal to Vienna that the ‘blank cheque’ could be cancelled. On July 29 Grey wrote four telegrams that were published after the war to paint an image of the British having done everything they could to mediate in the conflict. The dirty little truth however is that these telegrams were never send. The Secret Elite’s agent Lloyd George admitted later: ‘The last thing that the vainglorious kaiser wanted was a European war.’ In Russia Sazonov began to get wet feet about the enterprise, but British and French ambassadors Buchanan and Paléologue made sure that he was kept on course. Czar Nicholas II also began to doubt the operation and felt burdened by the fact that it was him and not the Kaiser, who had set in motion the run-up to a grand European war and revealed to the Kaiser under what pressure for war he was under from the war mongers:
I appeal to you to help me … I foresee that very soon I shall be unable to resist the pressure exercised upon me and that I shall be forced to take extreme measures which will lead to war.
The czar caved in regardless and signed the order for the official mobilization of the Russian army. A few hours later, after the kaiser had signaled to the czar that he could not continue to act as a mediator, the czar backtracked and repealed the mobilization order, to the outrage of the general staff, who possibly carried out the mobilization order regardless.
Moltke cold no longer ignore developments abroad and a reaction to Russian actions was necessary.
In London that evening, 29 July, the Secret Elite’s political placemen, Grey, Asquith, Haldane and Churchill, held a private meeting to discuss what Asquith called ‘the coming war’. Apart from Lloyd George, these were the only senior British politicians who knew what was about to happen. Parliament, in both Houses, was completely ignorant of the fact that Britain was going to war. On the 29th, while the kaiser was working to preserve the peace, the fleets and armies of his opponents were busily preparing for war.
German chancellor Bethman discussed the dramatic situation with British ambassador Goschen and told him that if Britain would remain neutral, Germany would respect Belgium’s integrity after the war,
‘provided that Belgium did not take sides against Germany, her integrity would be respected after the conclusion of the war’
Goschen passed the message to the Foreign Office in London, where sir Grey put on a mask of moral indignation and reported the ‘dishonouring proposal’ to PM Asquith.
This was the moment for which the Secret Elite had been waiting. Goschen immediately telegraphed the German proposals to the Foreign Office. Sir Edward Grey, who rushed to Asquith to report that Germany had ‘despicably’ tried to bargain Belgium’s future against Britain’s neutrality. In his memoirs, Grey recorded his ‘despair’ when he read Bethmann’s ‘dishonouring proposal’. Despair? He felt nothing of the kind. Belgium had always been the answer; it was only a matter of time before the Belgian question would be raised. Grey replied: ‘There is very little that I can say.’ He knew he could not possibly divulge the German offer, since a majority in the Cabinet and the House of Commons would agree to neutrality and vote to keep Britain out of a war. If Russia wanted to start a European war over Serbia and her assassins, and France blindly followed, the most popular parliamentary view would have been to let them get on with it. Grey concluded: ‘We continue to work to preserve European peace.’
By the end of July, chancellor Bethman was the only politician in Europe actively looking for mediation and peace and got rough with Vienna in order to force them in negotiations; Berchtold finally caved in and Germany still had hopes that the worst could be prevented. But in vain, they were trapped by Britain, France and Russia whose leading circles had been committed for war for a decade.
On July 30, the kaiser send and all or nothing telegram to the czar, telling him that he would be responsible for the coming war. Again czar Nicolas caved in for a moment and decided to stop the madness and offered to send an envoy, Tatishchev, to Berlin to negotiate a way out of the mess. Tatishchev however never made it to Berlin, he was arrested on orders of Sazonov, who thereby committed treason of the highest order. In the end czar Nicholas gave up all resistance. War had ‘irrevocably begun’, systematically brought about by Grey, Sazonov, and Poincaré on behalf of the Secret Elite. By ordering mobilization, Russia had crossed the Rubicon, peace had become impossible.
The true state of affairs concerning the beginning of World War One was best summarized by the good kaiser, who wrote to himself the truth in his diary:
I have no doubt about it: England, Russia and France have agreed among themselves… to take the Austro-Serbian conflict for an excuse for waging a war of extermination against us… the stupidity and ineptitude of our ally is turned into a snare for us… The net has been suddenly thrown over our head, and England sneeringly reaps the most brilliant success of her persistently prosecuted purely anti-German world policy against which we have proved ourselves helpless… From the dilemma raised by our fidelity to the venerable old Emperor of Austria, we are brought into a situation which offers England the desired pretext for annihilating us under the hypocritical cloak of justice. Their mobilization was based on the understanding that Germany, under attack from two sides, would have to advance firstly on France and then turn on Russia.
On August 1, France had ‘firmly decided on war’, 24 hours before Germany mobilized or declared war on Russia.
At 4 p.m. that day, telegrams ordering the French general mobilisation were sent from the central telegraph office in Paris. By that point, Serbia, Austria, Russia, France and Great Britain had begun military measures of one sort or another. Germany alone among the powers concerned had not yet done so. kaiser… He sent a telegram to King George: ‘If Britain guarantees the neutrality of France, I will abandon all action against her.’
Germany clearly did not want war with France, but France did want war with Germany. And Russia continued its advance towards the German border. The kaiser had no choice but to protect his own population and mobilize against the Russian and French threat. Germany was the last continental European country to mobilize, making a mockery of the idea that ‘Germany started World War One’. The Germans however made a big mistake by being formal and declare war. The Russian who had mobilized before Germany with the clear intent of attacking Germany had not done so. Germans, straightforward and honest, unlike the Machiavellian British, like to call a spade a spade and a war a war. But if you lose that war you can be blamed afterwards that you began.
The vital message oft repeated by Grey to Poincaré and Sazonov was that France and Russia must, as far as possible, conceal their military preparations and intent on war until Germany had swallowed the bait. It was akin to bullies goading, threatening and ganging up on a single boy in the school playground, but the moment he had the audacity to defend himself, he was to blame.
The only problem left for the Secret Elite was how to manage Britain into war, the war that was designed to protect the global supremacy of the British Empire. Keyword to the solution of that problem was ‘Belgium’. Grey used Belgian neutrality as the path for Britain into war. Germany had suggested to Grey that Germany would respect the neutrality of Belgium, provided Britain would remain neutral. Grey never told the Cabinet or the House of this offer, because if he had done so, he likely would not have got his desired war with Germany. On August 4, chancellor Bethman revealed to the world what Germany had offered, but then it was already too late and the war underway. For people who still want to believe in the present day hypothesis, namely that the European powers accidentally stumbled into war or blundered or sleepwalked into war, here is a quote from a private letter Grey wrote to his ambassador in Paris:
‘there would be a row in Parliament here if I had used words which implied the possibility of a secret engagement unknown to Parliament all these years committing us to a European war…’
Grey clearly admits in private his commitment to a European war for years.
Grey had to convince the Cabinet and the House that British participation in the war was necessary by claiming that
Britain’s standing as a Great Power, which would be damaged for ever if she stood aside while Belgium was ‘crushed’.
Apart from Asquith and Churchill, the majority of the cabinet did not go along. First of all was Belgium not neutral at all and top secret agreements dating from 1906 were in place that ensured that Belgium was in bed with Britain and that there was an understanding that British troops would land in Belgium if Germany would march through that country on its way to France. And since 1906 Britain and Belgium had cooperated militarily for exactly that eventuality. Belgium on its turn had been mobilizing for nearly a week, on the same day that Russia and France started to prepare for war.
Again, Britain did not want to go to war. The population (cannon fodder) obviously not, but neither the majority of the body politic. It were merely a handful of men at the highest places, who nevertheless pushed the country into war: Asquith, Grey, Haldane, Churchill and Lloyd George. On August 2, the Liberal cabinet under Asquith met again. The Conservative Balfour, a central member of the Secret Elite, had managed to make Conservative leaders Bonar Law, Lord Lansdowne and Austen Chamberlain sign a document of support for British assistance of Russia and France in their war against Germany. In that cabinet meeting, Churchill was the strongest proponent for war.
Asquith wrote: ‘Winston very bellicose and demanding immediate mobilisation.’
Lloyd George pretended to be on the side of the neutrals, but in reality he was not.
At that same evening, the German ambassador passed the message to the Belgian government that if she would provide free passage of the German army on its way to France, Belgium would not be harmed, but its integrity respected and the damage compensated after the war. Grey was immediately informed that Belgium would refuse German trespassing and asked for assistance. The timing was perfect, as Grey could use this request for help from ‘gallant little Belgium’ as an argument for war entry in his crucial speech before the House of Commons. Asquith meanwhile prepared for war, without a vote, and had a private backroom deal with Conservative leaders to form a coalition government in case too many Liberal ministers would resign.
The famous remark: “The lamps are going out all over Europe, we shall not see them lit again in our life-time” is attributed to sir Edward Grey. What he did not say that it was him who put the lights out. Crucial in the entire drama of bringing Britain into the Great European war was Grey’s address to the House of Commons on Monday, August 3, 1914. There was not to be a debate, it was a statement and there were no questions. Grey accepted the war between Russia and Germany as a given, but denied that Britain had nothing to do with it. Grey told the House that conversations had been going on with France for some time, but hid the fact that these commitments dated from as early as 1906. Then he brought up the (non-existing) ‘neutrality of Belgium’:
His trump card was his greatest lie, for Belgium was neutral only in name. The stunning presentation of ‘neutral’ Belgium as the innocent victim of German aggression was biblical in its imagery and grotesque in its deceit. An emotional telegram from the King of the Belgians to his good friend King George pleading for assistance was read to the crowded Commons. He sat down to a storm of cheering and acclaim from the Conservatives, part orchestrated, part genuine. Of the party leaders… The Commons had listened in good order to a singularly biased statement, laced with emotional blackmail, but was refused permission to discuss these affairs at that very point where delay made any response worthless.
During a brake Grey confided to Churchill that the next step should be to send the Germans an ultimatum that they should halt the invasion of Belgium within 24 hours, knowing well that the Germans could not accept that. When session in parliament resumed Asquith and Grey were cheered. A number of Liberals opposed the idea of joining the European war and complained about the stealth character with which war was presented as a fait accompli to the House. It was finally Arthur Balfour who did the job for Grey and staved off and silenced opposition.
The Germans were unpleasantly surprised by the British ultimatum. Chancellor Bethman showed that he finally had understood what the game had been in bringing the war about and that it had been Grey who had stimulated the Russian and French to press ahead with the conflict.
Britain, he claimed, sought to take advantage of the international crisis by seizing the opportunity to destroy her greatest European competitors in the markets of the world. He dismissed Belgian neutrality as a lame excuse, Bethmann accused Britain of seeing herself as the ‘arbitrium mundi’, the self-appointed ombudsman on the international stage.
Bethman was entirely right of course. There never was an authorization for a BRitish declaration of war against Germany from the Cabinet. In the end it was the King who delivered.
Once the war was started, everything was done to cover up the true origins of the war. However the Germans found documents in the Belgian Foreign Ministry that proved that there had been a military link between the British and Belgians on the highest level. The British presented a Blue Book that supposedly contained all the diplomatic communications in the run-up to the war and seemed to confirm that sir Edward Grey had indeed done all he could to preserve the peace. However, when the Bolsheviks took over in Moscow, evidence was produced that showed that three telegrams contained in the Blue Book were in reality never send. A Harvard professor, Sydney Fay, has shown that many exchanges had not been included in the Blue Book and that several that were included, had been edited. The Russian Orange Book likewise did not contain the German proposals of a conciliatory nature, as well hints towards non-benevolent policies of the French and Russian. The French Yellow Book, same story. In Versailles the Germans were forced to accept to sign the war guilt clause. In Milner’s papers, held in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, there is a gap between July 14 and August 20.
Kaiser Wilhelm, in his memoires, published in 1922, defends Germany’s innocence.
More revisionist material was published by The Genesis of the World War by Harry Elmer Barnes, Germany, but, like Carroll Quigley’s history Tragedy and Hope, it was suppressed. Another revisionist author was Professor M.H. Cochran of the University of Missouri.
In his speech of February 9, 1871, a month after the proclamation of German unity, the future British PM Benjamin Disraeli commented the developments on the European continent in a negative light and declared the traditional British Balance of Power doctrine dead:
Let me impress upon the attention of the House the character of this war between France and Germany. It is no common war, like the war between Prussia and Austria, or like the Italian war in which France was engaged some years ago; nor is it like the Crimean War.
This war represents the German revolution, a greater political event than the French revolution of last century. I don’t say a greater, or as great a social event. What its social consequences may be are in the future. Not a single principle in the management of our foreign affairs, accepted by all statesmen for guidance up to six months ago, any longer exists. There is not a diplomatic tradition which has not been swept away. You have a new world, new influences at work, new and unknown objects and dangers with which to cope, at present involved in that obscurity incident to novelty in such affairs. We used to have discussions in this House about the balance of power. Lord Palmerston, eminently a practical man, trimmed the ship of State and shaped its policy with a view to preserve an equilibrium in Europe. [ . . . ] But what has really come to pass? The balance of power has been entirely destroyed, and the country which suffers most, and feels the effects of this great change most, is England.
[germanhistorydocs.ghi-dc.org] – Benjamin Disraeli on the “German Revolution”
British have invaded nine out of ten countries
[unz.com] – Carroll Quigley’s Conspiracy Theory: The Milner Group